of Alessandra Casarico and Paola Prophet , taken from lavoce.info
full time and an educational service and an important point still in the organization of Italian families, especially when the mother works. There is a close connection between this mode of time in nursery and primary schools and female employment. Women who leave the labor market because of the difficulties in reconciling work and family life are unlikely to return later. The employment rate of Italian mothers is already very low. We do not need policies that discourage women's work further.
The full-time in primary schools is a widespread reality for many Northern Italian families, especially in the cities, according to data from the Ministry of Education, in school year 2006/07 to 45.5 in the North-West percent of public primary school children attended the school for forty hours per week, with rates exceeding 90 percent in Milan, for example, in the South Island and only 6.8 percent.
The full-time is an educational service and an important milestone in the organization of the time of Italian families, especially when the mother works. The link between full-time female employment in the primary school and is very narrow. (1) In addition, the full-time primary school promotes the 'equality of opportunity . BY ORDER OF UNCERTAINTIES
What is the future of full-time following the Gelmini decree (No. 137, 1 / 9 / 2008) just passed in the Senate?
In a climate of political turmoil, with the opposition declaring that the full-time at risk and the government concerned to ensure that it will be even increased, try to understand what the decree says.
Article 4 of the Gelmini decree provides for the first paragraph of the introduction of the single teacher in primary school to which it is assigned a class "with 24 hour working week." The article proceeds by clarifying that "the regulations are taken into account the needs, however, related to household demand, a broader articulation of school time." Two points seem important: (i) the teaching is set at 24 hours per week, (ii) leave open the possibility of an extension of the school identified as "articulation of school time." We mean by this the whole time, or educational activities conducted at school in addition to the mandatory? Who will be responsible? What are the resources to finance the time, at this point, add-on? Italian families deserve clarity on this.
The reading of the program plan prepared with respect to Article 64 "Measures of school organization" of the Decree Law No 25/6/2008 Ratified by Law No 112 6/8/2008 133 does not help to fully understand what will happen time in primary school. It adds more doubt on the timing of the kindergarten.
The program plan is proposed to revise school curricula and time dedicated of the 'essential'. One of the criteria and guiding principles is "the sustainability of the hourly load for students and the quantitative dimension of the curriculum, appropriately reducing the excessive expansion of the teachings and assets expanded hours, which translates into a commitment of distractions and unproductive ( ...) ". In other words, the plan emphasizes a certain insistence on the need to reorganize the school hours: 24 hour week and only one teacher (who also teaches English, after over 150 hours) are strongly suggested as the educational model and educational more effective. How then to interpret the latest verbal assurances del governo circa il mantenimento dello stesso orario attuale, che potrebbe addirittura essere esteso dove non c’è? Forse è una risposta politica alle preoccupazioni di tante famiglie - e di tanti elettori ? Nel contesto dell’autonomia scolastica, il piano programmatico ammette opzioni organizzative alternative di 27 o 30 ore o 40 se aggiungiamo le ore mensa, ma la loro fattibilità resta vincolata alle risorse a disposizione delle scuole stesse, su cui a priori non c’è nessuna garanzia.
Se le garanzie fornite a parole si tradurranno in risorse effettive, bene. Per il momento però è evidente lo scollamento tra ciò che è scritto nel decreto e come il governo lo presenta. Circola per esempio l’idea che i docenti che risulterebbero in esubero in seguito all’attribuzione delle classi a un unico maestro saranno riallocati nell’orario aggiuntivo. Ma questo meccanismo non compare nei documenti ufficiali.
Ricordiamoci comunque che non è solo una questione di orario. Conta anche il contenuto. Il tempo pieno deve rappresentare un servizio educativo di qualità e non un “dopo-scuola”.
USCITA SENZA RITORNO
Inoltre, è sorprendente notare che mentre sull’università e sulla scuola primaria il dibattito è acceso, i cambiamenti programmati per i tempi della scuola dell’infanzia (“l’orario obbligatorio delle attività educative (…) si svolge anche solamente nella band Morning ") are, for now, relegated to the margins of the debate. If school hours are connected with the employment of women, those relating to kindergarten may be especially important. The difficulty of reconciling women between work and family life in the early years of a child's life may contribute to exit from the labor market (discouraged workers) is typically not reversible. Later he is in condition to re-enter the labor market, the more difficult.
In Italy we have some need for policies that discourage women's employment of mothers. As the graph for the cohort aged between 25 and 49 years, the rate of Italian mothers' employment is lower than the rate of female employment in the whole cohort. The gap is also wider as the number of children. The phenomenon also occurs in other European countries, but an all-Italian peculiarity is the fact that the employment rate of mothers are not together at the female of the entire cohort, also in Italy at the lowest among European countries, all ' increasing age of the child. This suggests that it is much more difficult for Italian mothers returning to work after maternity leave. Why? The structure of the labor market, the culture of the society and enterprises play an important role. But also the institutions have their responsibilities, the lack of services for infants in the first place: in Italy spending on childcare for those aged between 0 and 3 years is only 0.1 percent of GDP, compared to 0 , 5 per cent in France and 0.8 percent in Sweden, with coverage rates of 6.3 percent of children, compared to 28 percent in France and 39.5 percent in Sweden. The
for all full-time public school kindergarten and primary, in this context, one of the few institutional measures to assist working mothers. Should be strengthened, particularly in the South, rather than reduced, if we do not want to contribute to the reduction of employment rates for women, particularly mothers, already so low.
(1) See in this regard, our article in Il Sole 24 Ore of 29/10/2008.
This text in pdf .
full time and an educational service and an important point still in the organization of Italian families, especially when the mother works. There is a close connection between this mode of time in nursery and primary schools and female employment. Women who leave the labor market because of the difficulties in reconciling work and family life are unlikely to return later. The employment rate of Italian mothers is already very low. We do not need policies that discourage women's work further.
The full-time in primary schools is a widespread reality for many Northern Italian families, especially in the cities, according to data from the Ministry of Education, in school year 2006/07 to 45.5 in the North-West percent of public primary school children attended the school for forty hours per week, with rates exceeding 90 percent in Milan, for example, in the South Island and only 6.8 percent.
The full-time is an educational service and an important milestone in the organization of the time of Italian families, especially when the mother works. The link between full-time female employment in the primary school and is very narrow. (1) In addition, the full-time primary school promotes the 'equality of opportunity . BY ORDER OF UNCERTAINTIES
What is the future of full-time following the Gelmini decree (No. 137, 1 / 9 / 2008) just passed in the Senate?
In a climate of political turmoil, with the opposition declaring that the full-time at risk and the government concerned to ensure that it will be even increased, try to understand what the decree says.
Article 4 of the Gelmini decree provides for the first paragraph of the introduction of the single teacher in primary school to which it is assigned a class "with 24 hour working week." The article proceeds by clarifying that "the regulations are taken into account the needs, however, related to household demand, a broader articulation of school time." Two points seem important: (i) the teaching is set at 24 hours per week, (ii) leave open the possibility of an extension of the school identified as "articulation of school time." We mean by this the whole time, or educational activities conducted at school in addition to the mandatory? Who will be responsible? What are the resources to finance the time, at this point, add-on? Italian families deserve clarity on this.
The reading of the program plan prepared with respect to Article 64 "Measures of school organization" of the Decree Law No 25/6/2008 Ratified by Law No 112 6/8/2008 133 does not help to fully understand what will happen time in primary school. It adds more doubt on the timing of the kindergarten.
The program plan is proposed to revise school curricula and time dedicated of the 'essential'. One of the criteria and guiding principles is "the sustainability of the hourly load for students and the quantitative dimension of the curriculum, appropriately reducing the excessive expansion of the teachings and assets expanded hours, which translates into a commitment of distractions and unproductive ( ...) ". In other words, the plan emphasizes a certain insistence on the need to reorganize the school hours: 24 hour week and only one teacher (who also teaches English, after over 150 hours) are strongly suggested as the educational model and educational more effective. How then to interpret the latest verbal assurances del governo circa il mantenimento dello stesso orario attuale, che potrebbe addirittura essere esteso dove non c’è? Forse è una risposta politica alle preoccupazioni di tante famiglie - e di tanti elettori ? Nel contesto dell’autonomia scolastica, il piano programmatico ammette opzioni organizzative alternative di 27 o 30 ore o 40 se aggiungiamo le ore mensa, ma la loro fattibilità resta vincolata alle risorse a disposizione delle scuole stesse, su cui a priori non c’è nessuna garanzia.
Se le garanzie fornite a parole si tradurranno in risorse effettive, bene. Per il momento però è evidente lo scollamento tra ciò che è scritto nel decreto e come il governo lo presenta. Circola per esempio l’idea che i docenti che risulterebbero in esubero in seguito all’attribuzione delle classi a un unico maestro saranno riallocati nell’orario aggiuntivo. Ma questo meccanismo non compare nei documenti ufficiali.
Ricordiamoci comunque che non è solo una questione di orario. Conta anche il contenuto. Il tempo pieno deve rappresentare un servizio educativo di qualità e non un “dopo-scuola”.
USCITA SENZA RITORNO
Inoltre, è sorprendente notare che mentre sull’università e sulla scuola primaria il dibattito è acceso, i cambiamenti programmati per i tempi della scuola dell’infanzia (“l’orario obbligatorio delle attività educative (…) si svolge anche solamente nella band Morning ") are, for now, relegated to the margins of the debate. If school hours are connected with the employment of women, those relating to kindergarten may be especially important. The difficulty of reconciling women between work and family life in the early years of a child's life may contribute to exit from the labor market (discouraged workers) is typically not reversible. Later he is in condition to re-enter the labor market, the more difficult.
In Italy we have some need for policies that discourage women's employment of mothers. As the graph for the cohort aged between 25 and 49 years, the rate of Italian mothers' employment is lower than the rate of female employment in the whole cohort. The gap is also wider as the number of children. The phenomenon also occurs in other European countries, but an all-Italian peculiarity is the fact that the employment rate of mothers are not together at the female of the entire cohort, also in Italy at the lowest among European countries, all ' increasing age of the child. This suggests that it is much more difficult for Italian mothers returning to work after maternity leave. Why? The structure of the labor market, the culture of the society and enterprises play an important role. But also the institutions have their responsibilities, the lack of services for infants in the first place: in Italy spending on childcare for those aged between 0 and 3 years is only 0.1 percent of GDP, compared to 0 , 5 per cent in France and 0.8 percent in Sweden, with coverage rates of 6.3 percent of children, compared to 28 percent in France and 39.5 percent in Sweden. The
for all full-time public school kindergarten and primary, in this context, one of the few institutional measures to assist working mothers. Should be strengthened, particularly in the South, rather than reduced, if we do not want to contribute to the reduction of employment rates for women, particularly mothers, already so low.
(1) See in this regard, our article in Il Sole 24 Ore of 29/10/2008.
This text in pdf .
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